history from religion to secularism.
from transcendence to immanence policy.
\u0026lt;storicismo> Let's say that you can use at least two meanings: (1) that Enlightenment, whose meaning is always in search for the reason of what happened-even though, according to some critics, this same Enlightenment reason itself was ahistorical, (2) the meaning nineteenth century, which was true for the dichotomy between reason and history and, therefore, it was denied the historic-philosophical thought of the Enlightenment: however, this dimension had However, already in itself a sign of Querelle about the superiority of the ancient or modern, without which, moreover, would not have given any emphasis on the modernity and progress.
The Universal History of Bossuet, [1] written ad usum Delphini , that is still a theological account of the realization of the divine will with the passing of the mundane events, and , not improperly, that History is crossed by devout admonitions and sees the unfolding of events as a unified process of creation of the world, and the original sin of Adam until the time of Charles the Great. Events do not occur by chance, in fact, even some of the time and place and how individual behavior of the actors, however, are in their most basic meaning, clues and examples of moral rules that can be fulfilled, or conversely , violated. [2]
The History of Bossuet, that the chronological point of view is certainly medieval, however, already open to something new.
In fact, in the work, the use of history is not limited to the spiritual realm, but also has a sense of 'realpolitik' [3] , because the coordinates are determined, in which the unfolding of the events of the human race will be joint. The son of Louis XIV enhances the Histoire universelle for all that, typically, could happen to an absolute monarch. The beginning of the preface, of course, according to the theoretical model of adhornatio , is a screening program of political education, for which history must be conceived as a set of facts and not as a crown of examples, so that in this preface we read "If history is to be useful to other people, then you should never read the principles. There is, for them, best way to find out what can cause the passions and interests, time and circumstances, good or bad advice (...) If experience is required to purchase their cunning, which is used to good government, likewise, for their warning, nothing is more useful than weaving experience, that the principles are also, through the examples of past centuries.
Instead of learning how to judge, which they, however, are usually based on the price to pay for their subjects and their own honor, the principles should form their opinion, with the help of history, without risk, based on past events. If they recognize, eg. for what are the false praise, which, when alive, are addressed to them by all, would be ashamed of vain joy, thereby giving them the flattery, since they know well that the 'real honor just to the substance of the matter. [4]
These introductory words show the three objectives, which assigns to its Bossuet Historie : knowledge of the facts, warning morale, training in political shrewdness, the triple purpose of representation has a common denominator, based on religious, ethical principles, so that the new historiography is transformed into a theological treatise. The threefold division of time in history, history of religion and history of a State, maintains the grounds of factuality ( Faktizität ) of the historical significance of religious and political value, the technique of exposure shows a new awareness the diversity of the methodology. But ultimately it is the moral and theological, which has the upper hand.
However, Bossuet has simultaneously introduced a new genus and a new way of research: a universal history, which no longer considers the world only as a spatial unit, but also as a temporal connection (this is comparable, in Leibniz); also considers Bossouet teaching as a complex political history, which it could not be, if not there were similarities between patterns of behavior at different times, then rules or models of historical progress. The problem of historicity in the sense of separation between the event and singularity type of situations and to behave here, still does not appear as if Bossuet could not climb at this level problematic.
Leibniz was, however, to combine the principle of singularity ( Einmaligkeit ) of each existent with the principle of universal, thus providing a model for resolving the rift singularity between the event and historic opportunity [5] .
Historicity is the process of emancipation of maturation of mankind, which is searching for their health in their own abilities, why not consider the forces between the salvific plan of heavenly providence. On the contrary, as we have seen, with its Diacours sur l'histoire universelle, once again, it is proposed to Bossuet theocentric conception of history.
But it was the last attempt to agree on a whole new historical material found with the unchangeable Biblical pattern of the birth of the world and history. The historical-universal Enlightenment always rejected this meeting as a return to a theological conception of history. From Condorcet to Turgot, the historical research always maintained a hostile tone to Bossuet, rejecting any heavenly plan of salvation in world history.
In the space of half a century, image of history, instead of divine providence, made his appearance and the reason for the clash of interests.
The change in attitude is evident in each word, when you compare the Histoire universelle , written for the dolphin, with the 'Etude de l'Histoire à Monseigneur le Prince de Parme , written, although once again for a prince, Abbé Mably.
Again, the story serves as a moral and \u0026lt;scuola politica>. But in contrast to Bossuet, Mably he wants to return to the past, as the documents allow us to do the profane history - and the focus on profane shows the general philosophical orientation of the historian: it is of civilized humanity, which is to read (not receive from God) and that has to build a legal system that guarantees social peace. In Asia, where they were first formulated, the laws are primarily the safety and freedom as a consequence of justice.
I the relationship of law and history (which is the conclusion of the Hegelian Rechtsphilosophie [6] ) is characteristic of the French Enlightenment.
In this new context, what deserves the interest is not happening, but the history of civilization. "The story, intended as an analysis of an enormous body of facts, that the man tries to organize itself in its memory in chronological order, it can only childish and idle curiosity, thereby demonstrating a spirit of petty, Alias, worn out with a sterile building ( Bildung), which is adequate only for the education of a pedant. What does this mean for us to know the mistakes of our fathers, if they do not serve to make us more acute? [7] Mably had begun with a study of public law, which comes under the policy on peace journalism of the eighteenth century - that this issue, as we know, came up to Kant's Zum ewigen Frieden ("For a perpetual peace") .
flosofia The link between law and history, we can illustrate with Mably, is the work - with a clear distancing from the image of history-Bossuet, which stands in the historical town of action: the story is the process through which man undertakes and establish a rational relation to all of his life. E 'L'esprit des lois Montesquieu, the work is enacted in which the self-founded the company and its legitimation through human reason.
The connection between historical and legal investigation is clear in works Montesqieu, who in 1734 published the Considerations sur les Causes de la grandeur des Romains et de leur decadence , explaining growth and decay del'antica Rome, retracing the history of its constitution: thus he was equipped with a viewing angle much deeper than the historical processes, and succeeded in how to frame, size of individuals and contingency of events. The well-known
E. Gibbon, whose monumental work, The History and the Fall of the Roman Empire, appeared half a century after Considerations, and is thus in agreement with Montesquieu, when he sees the decline of Rome in the transition from Republican to a universal empire, though Gibbon stresses the moral fall after the growing wealth, while Montesquieu focuses on a civitas of free and equal, therefore attach great importance to the social structure, ie, shows a sensitivity history than they were in the case of Gibbon. In the Foreword to the Esprit des lois , is expressed as the programmatic shift to an independent historical investigation, which is oriented on the standards of morality and Christianity, but that really is history policy.
"We must take this into account that, what I call virtue in the republic, - writes Montesquieu-is the love for the homeland, the love for equality. It is neither a moral virtue, or Christian - it is rather a virtue policy and it is the key theme, along which moves the Republican government, as well as the honor it is in the case of the monarchy. That's why I called virtue policies love for their country and for the very virtue . "
E 'here it is clear that given the prevalence of a Republican Constitution: in queries to Rome, always proves that Montesquieu's sympathy for the republican state form.
The Republicans, for whom the issue of birth does not play any role, from this point of view are the lucky ones. Because the people can it be envious of a dignity, which is achievable, when you really want and you get to choose.
In this, the government of Rome was something wonderful, since the beginning, both for the character of the people in general as well as the power of the Senate, and for the influence of certain officials, any misuse of power had its counter-Laws of Rome had the power split between a large number of officials, who were leaning on each other, it is hindered and watched. [8]
And since each of these officials had only limited power, every citizen was potentially adequate to perform the same task and the people seeing many personalities next to each other to presentarglisi face, did not establish a special relationship with any of them. [9] The equality of citizens, to Montesquieu, is central to a successful social form, while the other focal point is the limitation of government power.
must certainly be stressed that Montesquieu developed his theory of the state, constantly subjecting it to historical verification: he makes the story really use, required by theoretical philosophers after Bossuet. The work of Montesquieu is a corpus of examples, consideration of which can allow, by analogy, to arrive at structures that go beyond the merely historical, if you know the details of a historical situation and is separated from the universal. The accuracy of the knowledge of the facts must precede the knowledge that it yields, if a historical example must have a theoretical sense. This principle (and not enough empirical research, which may give only the state of knowledge at a time given) is a founder of Montesquieu's historical method. He has historical consciousness in the modern sense.
Sometimes it's time, to use the term philosophy of history, to be recognized as the founder of the French Enlightenment thought historical periods, but in fact he has written many historical works and his Essai sur les Moers et l 'esprit des nations is the reverse of the explicit' Histoire Bossuet-universal history, that is, as profane history of human culture.
times already in his many literary works, marks a significant step in terms of historical consciousness, provided, however, within certain limits, since, in its representation of history mingle in large quantity, pathos literary, cultural, political and personal controversy and a biased view, so that Montsquieu with its most notable scientific sobriety seems to be able to more accurately reflect the attitude of future historians.
No doubt Voltaire was the main protagonist of thorough renewal of the general consciousness, [10] referred to as the secularization of the worldview. This task could be accomplished only if, in place of religious significance the course of history had established a search of all secular political and cultural development of mankind. The spread of this changed representation of history - that was developing beginning with the history of the oracles of Fontanelle to bring about the 'Esprit des lois - even Montsquieu, with its most notable scientific sobriety, not only helped, but it also seems to correlate better with the attitude of future historians.
Condorcet in France was the first to lead to a constitutive principle of the effective ( Faktizität ) the course of history, the principle which allows think of events as a series of decisive moments. Thus Condorcet gives the ideology of progress, which is characteristic of the century, a foundation immanent.
Condorcet in France was the first to lead to a constitutive principle of the effective ( Faktizität ) the course of history, the principle which allows you to think about the events as a series of decisive moments. Thus Condorcet called the ideology of progress, which is characteristic of the century, a foundation immanent.
Condorcet research, so to speak, in the history of something similar to the laws of nature: for this reason that presentation is historical, because it implies a progressive change, which allows observations become human societies in different eras. The analysis must account for the changes in their regularity The survey of what the man was and what it is today, offers us the opportunity to see and clarify further progress, that human nature has not still highlighted.
the edge of the French Enlightenment and German, and almost unknown by the contemporaries and the generations immediately following, an isolated thinker in Italy, GB Vico (where very little was also evaluated). sketched the lines of historical of mankind.
anticartesiano Admittedly, Vico is not so much within the context of the Enlightenment, but rather in the tradition of humanism and the Italian Renaissance, which assumes the philosophical interest and the sciences of antiquity. The rediscovery of Vico in the European context it is due to Benedetto Croce and as a result of accepting the historicity of the Cross, his monograph on Vico prompted a push for further research on this topic. The problem of Vico is the metaphysics of knowledge. With acuity, Vico recognized the weakness of the foundation of Cartesian certain knowledge.
If the certainty of knowing is the identity of the cogito with his proceed, with the formalism of preaching by the thought, do the judging of the acts of thought, then human knowledge can only ever be certain of this, it produces, so that subject, content, follow the cogitare are to coincide. This does not apply to external nature, for natural world - that's why Descartes must return to God as an instance of the correspondence between thought and the external world (physical). This applies fully for mathematical assertions, whose starting point is given by the definition of their objects, as objects of thought are created by held the same thought, as shown in the Elements of Euclid. [11] "We can demonstrate, as Vico-wrote what belongs to geometry, because we who produce it." [12] But then, the objects of geometry are nothing but ideal objects, nothing else that the contents of our thought. Therefore can not be placed on the same logical level of objects of the natural world. The mathematization of physics can still be so rich in produce consistent results and mental constructs; but the nature of things existing before their mathematical definition, it can not say anything for sure. The mathematical knowledge of nature is something on the formal establishment of the thought that produces them the objects of nature, as they are in themselves, only God knows, because he made them-which means that his thought is the construction of the real world. The ideal figures, which the human intellect has, therefore, are fictional (as opposed to objects, created by God).
are not fictitious, however, the artifacts, that man himself factory, and so are the relationships that he builds through his work, therefore, anything that, in the broad sense, culture can be said. It consists not only of material goods and / or ideals - then a house, a working tool, a mathematical statement, but also reports, as the proper order, a military campaign ou peace treaty, an Olympic ceremony. For this Vico takes up less of the difference between Aristotelian natural growth and human construct, but rather, is interested in the ability to know this, which is outside of us. The so-called axiom of Vico \u0026lt;verum et factum convertuntur> binds to the a priori consciousness of the original situation of the created world, then it also has a theological horizon: the intellect infinity of God 'contains' the whole real world, and the thought of God is one with the reality of thought.
But what has passed is not done by those who know, rather it is something that is already done. So it is really true only of what the real story, which I did. The history of man-made shows in the areas in which he acted, then at any time, in which there are historical subjects. Therefore, the true knowledge of history comes from philology, as the true vehicle of historical science. However, these Vico the humanistic tradition rinscimentale a completely new address. Philology becomes the basic science of history, since it is the middle, where it is known what man has done in the world and the world. It 's so that the spirit comes to content: it is not already done so, rather it is the very spirit that makes itself its own object.
[1] - Marx fundou uma nova Ciência, História from a Ciência das sociais formações (ou "sociedades") reais, concretas. We do not understand the scope of this done prodigious. Both before and after Marx, men lived, the masses of people went about their history. There were historians to make his chronicle, and philosophers to his philosophy. The story was an uncultivated field occupied by religious ideologies (Bossuet), legal and moral (Rousseau, Fourier, Proudhon, etc.) or philosophical (Hegel). (Marta Hamecker in desafio.doc). Fonti della theory stadiale: a) la proprietà privata della riflessione sull'origine b) la storia della Concezione provvidenzialistica: Bossuet, (Meek, 7367: 19), c) la tra gli antichi ei dispute modernization (Meek, 7367:) In the first chapter of his Montesquieu. The politics and history, L. Althusser notes that "the story of Bossuet [1] not claim to be universal: all its universality is, however, in saying that the Bible has already said everything, the whole story including the way in which ABSENCE is included in an oak acorn. " [1] Althusser's observation must be upheld in the sense that it can be said-albeit schematically and, therefore, easier-that until the Enlightenment ( So, roughly, until the second half of the seventeenth century [1] ), the concepts of history, tradition, inherited belief, the Bible, they tend to lead one another.
[2] - We need to understand the concept of \u0026lt;bestimmen>, in Marx? In the sense that even if the Stimme is the voice of God calling me to make certain choices, to follow a certain line of conduct, however, SSA is not in need : you can always ignore it and even ribellasi it. Should keep in mind these observations in the case of understand the use, which Marx makes bestimmen and derivatives
[3] - (Policy realistic). Foreign policy power, regardless of their ideologies, aims to meet the specific interests of the state through the use of force.
[4] - Cf Bossuet, Discours sur l'histoire universelle , Paris 1966: 39ss.
[5] - Only Herder recognized the importance, in this sense, the lesson Leibniz.
[6] - Philosophy of Law.
[7] - Abe de Mably
[8] - It 's the famous theme of the division of power which, as we shall see, played an important role in the development of Lenin himself.
[9] - may be a page that shows no faults, but does show the merits of bureaucratization, which may broaden the base of power and, therefore potentially open to all, or, conversely, to exclude from it those who are not part of the 'caste'.
[10] - For the problem of the Enlightenment, its mass flow and the role of Voltaire, Holz refers to Gramsci, Prison Notebooks . III : 1854ss, Torino 1975.
[11] - The development of a non-Euclidean geometry would have confirmed the conception of Vico's not natural geometry and would show the full idealism.
[12] - "Geometric demonstramus, quia facimus. (Vico, cit. In Holz: 378).
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